With some of its most controversial aspects set to expire December 31st, Patriot Act advocates are scrambling to defend the widely criticized package as a diverse coalition of civil libertarians poses an alternative.
A day after the US attorney general and FBI director urged
Congress to renew all provisions
of the USA PATRIOT Act, some
lawmakers will introduce a counter-measure aimed at toning down what
civil libertarians see as the most egregious aspects of the
controversial legislation.
Backed by some of the nation’s most prominent civil rights
organizations, the Security and Freedom Enhancement (SAFE) Act is
seen by the burgeoning anti-Patriot Act movement as a legislative
antidote to some of law enforcement’s expanded powers in the
post-September 11th United States. At a press conference yesterday,
a handful of Senators announced their intention to reintroduce the
bill, which had failed to gain traction during last year’s Congress.
With key measures of the Patriot Act set to expire this year, and
the Bush administration pushing hard for their renewal, critics and
proponents of the sweeping legislation are gearing up for a
political battle over the balance between national security and
individual privacy and liberty.
In fact, the SAFE Act’s introduction is timed to complement
Senate hearings held yesterday, in which lawmakers pressed Bush
administration officials on the usefulness of the Patriot Act,
passed hastily in the days following the September 11, 2001
terrorist attacks. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales and FBI
Director Robert Mueller told the Senate Judiciary Committee that the
Patriot Act is a necessary anti-terrorism tool and urged lawmakers
to extend the provisions set to expire, or "sunset," at year’s end.
Among the sections of the law up for renewal or cessation are
those that allow the FBI to gain search warrants, wiretapping and
surveillance approval – and even the authority to seize personal
records – from secret courts without having to show probable cause
that a crime has been or is being committed. Under the current
provisions, federal agents merely need to tell a judge that the
investigation is related to a terrorism investigation.
Many of these provisions have come under intense scrutiny from
citizens groups and government watchdogs because of their broad
scope, potential for abuse and secretive nature.
While the government has occasionally offered statistics
revealing how many times various kinds of searches have been
employed, the Bush administration has not been forthcoming with
specific information about how the Justice Department has employed
the tools granted by the Patriot Act. Additionally, the ACLU, which
is itching to test the provisions’ constitutionality in court, has
complained that the clandestine nature of the searches and the "gag
orders" that accompany them make it difficult to identify people
whose rights law enforcement personnel may have violated under the
Act.
The civil rights organization did, however, manage to challenge
one of the provisions in court last year, when an owner of an
internet service provider came forward after being served with a
"national security letter" by the FBI. National security letters are
internally issued by the FBI without the consent of a court,
allowing the investigators to obtain information from communications
firms and financial and credit institutions.
As a result of that lawsuit, which itself was shrouded in secrecy
due to the gag order accompanying the national security letter, a US
district court struck down part of that provision in September,
citing dual constitutional grounds. Judge Victor Marreo ruled that
the national security letters themselves violate the US
Constitution’s prohibition against unreasonable searches and
seizures, while the gag order violates the right to free speech.
Such gag orders associated with national security letters, which
forbid the recipient from telling anyone about the search under
penalty of law, also accompany other types of warrants granted under
the Patriot Act. Additionally, the measures lack clear mechanisms
for recipients to challenge the scope of the search. But Judge
Morreo’s finding only applied to the section of the Patriot Act
allows the FBI to issuing national security letters to
communications firms.
At the Senate hearing yesterday, Gonzales earned praises from
critics of the Patriot Act when he said he would be willing to
negotiate over those clauses to possibly allow recipients to contact
legal counsel and challenge the searches in court.
Nevertheless, Gonzales’ conciliatory tone -- which many lawmakers
said was refreshing after dealing with former attorney general John
Ashcroft -- belied the content of his statements, which were
staunchly defensive of all the Patriot Act’s provisions. Though he
acknowledged critics of the act and promised to respect and work
with them, he did not stray from the Bush administration’s
assertions that all of the provisions, even those under fire from
civil rights groups, are constitutionally compliant and necessary
for national security.
Meanwhile, grassroots opposition to the Patriot Act has been
growing. Campaigns in over 370 localities have successfully pushed
town and city resolutions condemning various aspects of the Patriot
Act and reaffirming a commitment to civil liberties. Some of the
resolutions go so far as to discourage local law enforcement agents
from using provisions granted under the Patriot Act. And just days
ago, Montana became the fifth state to pass an anti-Patriot Act
resolution.
Yet even as the Bush administration is put on the defensive over
its sweeping 2001 anti-terror package, it is seeking to increase its
powers. FBI Director Mueller, who also spoke at Tuesday’s hearing,
told lawmakers the FBI needs additional authority to gather
information without judicial oversight. Specifically, he mentioned
"administrative subpoenas," which some lawmakers pushed during the
last Congressional session as part of the Tools to Fight Terrorism
Act of 2004.
"Administrative subpoenas," as they were described in the 2004
Act, would allow the FBI agents to bypass even the few judicial
safeguards still remaining when they obtain records or testimony
from "third party holders" such as libraries, bookstores, or
doctors’ offices. These special directives could also be accompanied
gag orders preventing people subjected to searches from notifying
even a lawyer of their predicament.
But if supporters of the SAFE Act have their way, the
government’s powers will be curtailed instead of expanded.
For instance, the legislation would limit the government’s
ability to conduct "roving wiretaps" by requiring that they be
attached either to a specific suspect or a given location. It would
also limit the use of "sneak and peek," searches in which notice of
a investigation is delayed, to situations in which notifying the
subject of the search would endanger life or limb or would severely
hamper the investigation. Additionally, the SAFE Act would prevent
the FBI from using national security letters to obtain library
records.
The SAFE Act has the unusual backing of a broad sampling of the
mainstream political spectrum, including the American Conservative
Union, as well as progressives and libertarians united in their
opposition to the Patriot Act’s harshest elements.
"This critical legislation is introduced as bipartisan opposition
to some of the worst Patriot Act provisions," said Gregory T.
Nojeim, a spokesperson for the ACLU, in a statement about the SAFE
Act. "As the Senate and House Judiciary committees hold hearings to
examine what liberties we’ve lost since 9/11, lawmakers should
remember that this remedy is at hand."